Folk Doctors and Medical Practices in Our Region – and Elsewhere – During the 1821Revolution

by Stavros Theof. Kalkanis
published in The Faris Newsletter No 68, July 2018

NOTE: In Greek villages, empirical (self-taught) or folk doctors treated all types of medical conditions during the 1800’s up to modern times. Doctors passed down their remedies to other practitioners and members of their families. Many cures are still practiced in rural homes. The author is from a family of physicians which stretch back to his 3rd great-grandfather who was a folk doctor during the Greek Revolution of 1821.

Our family’s oral tradition also refers to empirical (self-taught) doctors among its members, both before and during the Revolution of 1821. Vasileios (Vasos) Nikitas Kalkanis (1903–1983) passed on to my father and brother the information that our great-great-great-grandfather Georgios Kalkanis, who was the elder if Gorani during the Revolution, took care of the wounds of his fellow villagers using empirical knowledge and practices he had learned from his father. A century later, in the villages of Kato Riza, his namesake and my grandfather, Georgios Christofilou Kalkanis (1858–1950), served as a graduate of the University of Athens School of Medicine.

George Kalkanis signs as community elder of Gorani and Liantina, with all the distinguished community elders and other residents of the villages of Kato Riza and Vardinochori of Lacedaemon”, in Arna in 1835, a “plea” to the Holy Synod “to act for the preservation of the Holy Monastery of Gola which we have as an asylum and refuge in times of need and sorrow” (from the General State Archives)

The actions of the empirical doctor G. Kalkanis appear to have been particularly notable during the battles of our compatriots (in the period 1825–1826) against Ibrahim’s army, which was operating in Taygetos to destroy our villages and subjugate their inhabitants in his effort to reach Mani. It is recorded that Ibrahim “burned to the ground” all the homes in Goranous, Kourtsouna, and Koumousta (as well as in other villages), forcing the residents of the whole region to take refuge in the mountains of Taygetos.

At that time, wounded fighters, residents of our villages who supported our villages and protected their inhabitants and civilians, needed immediate care for their injuries from sharp weapons, firearms, and even cannons.

Of course, in our villages,– but also more widely in southern Lakedaimona and even throughout the southern Peloponnese—five brothers of the Giatrakos family were particularly active and known as empirical doctors (in addition to being warriors and chieftains). Descendants of the Italian Medici family who initially settled in Mani, they Hellenized their surname and, with towers in their possession immediately after the declaration of the Revolution, played a significant role in revolutionary and post-revolutionary Greece. Their ability to provide medical surgical care to the wounded led many warriors to join their ranks. In nearly every Greek camp set up near a battle zone, the Giatrakos brothers would organize a makeshift “hospital.”

From their archives – their records – it appears that they “treated” many wounded with severe injuries and amputations for many weeks, removing fragmented bones from their wounds. Panagiotis Giatrakos had even traveled to Italy a few years before the Revolution and brought with him knowledge from the University of Padua, as well as medical supplies and techniques, anticipating that they would be needed in the impending revolution. Later, his brother Ilias created a Medical School and Hospital in Mystras.

At the same time, many empirical doctors throughout the revolutionary country were trying with minimal means to care for the wounded and provide therapeutic care in houses and monasteries, or onsite, in the countryside. In the area of Mystras, even two Muslim empirical doctors, Hasanakos and Drizakos Gioupis, who remained in the country, participated in the effort. Of course, most of the empirical doctors did not have degrees, except for a few who were trained mainly in Italian universities. Many empirical doctors who did not have degrees were provided after the Revolution with licenses from the Prefectures of the newly established State (since 1835 with royal decrees) to “practice minor surgery.”

But with what tools, practices, or materials did these empirical doctors/surgeons provide care to the wounded of the Struggle before the groundbreaking discoveries and changes that took place in the second half of the 19th century and defined modern medical science? I have often wondered about this because of the tradition that includes practical doctors in my family and because I am a doctor. In this essay, I will focus on injuries and not the milder ailments treated by these doctors or by the mothers and grandmothers of every family. The most common of these illnesses were pustules, fevers, runny noses, moles, obstructions, pimples, calluses, sores, abdominal pains and even evil eye.

Common treatments for these ailments included rubs or antisepsis with raki, wine, and vinegar (which contain alcohol); warming drinks like “kaftoura” (made of red wine, peppers, and cinnamon); dry or wet cupping; bloodletting or leech therapy; enemas; opium (from poppies); moldy bread; poultices from flaxseed—and also censing with flowers from the Epitaph, lighting the Easter candle, sprinkling with Holy Water… In our villages, cleaning earwax was done with a wise and simple method: one end of a horsehair was placed in the ear, and drops of hot wax were dripped along the length of the hair. When the wax hardened inside the ear and stuck to the wax plug, they pulled the hair along with the wax and the ear plug.

Injuries or wounds from swords and scimitars or bullets that tore the soft tissues of the body seem to have been treated at the time of ’21—and before or shortly after—with poultices or “blastria” (plasters). These were therapeutic dressings made of cloth or unwashed sheep wool soaked with ointments (balms) made from everyday easily available materials, that had been recognized through centuries of experience—even by Hippocrates. It is characteristic that in texts of the “Hippocratic Collection” “many dirty wounds mixed with wine and oil” are recommended (!) The fatty coating of the “dirty” sheep’s hair seems to replace the lanolin of modern medical science and pharmaceutical technology.

The basic materials used in the plasters were wine or raki and vinegar, oil, and egg white. The first were used to clean/wash the wound and to stop bleeding. In more serious cases, they cauterized it with a red-hot iron or hot tar. They filled the wound with ointments from the above materials or soaked cotton, cloth, or linen threads with them to form the wax, which they used for the bandages. The wax was also smeared with melted wax, which is why they often spoke of “cerates” (wax ointments). Wax ointments are mentioned in many “giatrosofia” (written instructions from experienced doctors) and of course refer to the “waxed plasters” of the Hippocratic texts and to the Italian word “tsiroto” which is a reborrowing.

The wounds were not sewn up so that the pus could drain, but they were cleaned daily and the plaster changed. The above antiseptic and healing materials were found in homes or monasteries, but the healing of the wounds required weeks or even months of care. It is noted that often, due to lack of dressings, or following ancient Greek medical practices, the empirical doctors and the companions of the wounded put herbs or grasses (the so-called “flesh herbs”) on the wounds. These herbs, known from tradition for their anti-hemorrhagic, analgesic and healing properties, were referred to by Homer as “odynifata” or “pain-killing roots”, and were described in detail by Hippocrates and Dioscorides.

But wounds caused by scimitars, hatchets or axes usually involved bone fractures in the skull, limbs, or the chest. Many wounds, especially in the limbs, resulted in amputation followed by cauterization. The horror is described by the fighter and historian Fotakos, who shudders even at the memory of the “shattering” and the “grinding of bones” in the battles and amputations.

In these cases, crushed tile or crushed marble, and even ash, were added to the ingredients of the ointments, perhaps to create a cohesive material between the broken bones, while the limbs – arms or legs – were also immobilized with reeds and boards. During healing, empirical surgeons often remove small, shattered bones from the wound, during the long rehabilitation of fractures and the closure of wounds. Of course, they continued to use mainly unwashed sheep’s hair as bandages.

Τhe ingredients in the ointments included crushed ceramic or marble—and even ash—perhaps to create a cohesive material between broken bones. Immobilization of limbs—arms or legs—was done using reeds and planks. During healing, empirical surgeons often remove small shattered bones from the wound, during the long recovery of fractures and wound closure. Of course, they continued to use unwashed sheep wool as bandages.

Great contributions to the medical aid and nursing care of the wounded residents and fighters in our region—both during the Struggle and in the time of the “klephts” (after the Orlov Revolt)—were provided by the Monastery of Golas, despite the hardships and destructions—even the desolation—that it suffered through the years. In its centuries-old tradition, the Monastery of Golas—when it had not suffered destructions by the Turks—offered solace, assistance, and care, because besides its facilities and necessary materials for treating injuries (lacking in the poor homes and inaccessible to the “klephts”), it also had a monk with empirical medical knowledge and knowledge of healing herbs. It should be noted that the in the Monastery of the Zoodochos Pigi Kastriou, near Kastori, there was—and has been preserved—a special “Recipe Book” with recipes for prescriptions/formulas for remedies and healing herbs.

In conclusion and with due respect, I note that the experienced doctors/surgeons of the Struggle of 1821, in our region and throughout the then revolutionary country, though overlooked by historiography, are acknowledged by history. They applied life-saving medical methods still unknown to the science of Medicine, contributing to the care and survival of thousands of wounded.


I (Carol Kostakos Petranek) am honored to receive permission from the Katsoulakos family to translate and share articles from The Faris. Translation verification and corrections have been made by GreekAncestry.net. This is the twenty-third article of the ongoing series. Previous articles can be viewed here.

Hairstyling and Grooming of Our Grandmothers

By Eugenia Io. Konidi
Published in The Faris Newsletter, Issue #35, Sept 2003, p. 13 – Hairdressing and Grooming of our Grandmothers  

Women of all ages wore headscarves on their heads. Elderly and middle-aged women wore brown headscarves, young women wore white or floral scarves, and those in mourning wore black ones.

At church or other formal occasions, they usually didn’t wear headscarves, but styled their hair, which was primarily long. They braided it into plaits or buns. The headscarf was tied in front under the chin or in back or made into a “duvali” – meaning they crossed the two ends behind, brought it forward and tied it slightly to the side.

Men and women wear traditional dress and head coverings as they dance at the village “panegyri”
Amykles, Lakonia, July 2019; photo by Carol Kostakos Petranek

There were also scissors, which they put in the fire and heated. These were passed through the hair to curl it, making it wavy.

If a young woman fell into moral disgrace and was discovered, her hair was cut. Also, when two young women harbored hatred for each other, one would hide and suddenly cut off the other’s braids with scissors for revenge. This was a crime and, if it went to court, the punishment was severe.

Men wore various kinds of hats. Students had caps. These were made of black or blue fabric and had a symbol in front made with gold thread, depicting an owl. Older men wore a type of hat called “kouko,” which they used in winter. In summer they wore straw hats for festive days and wide-brimmed hats for working in the sun.

Georgios Stratigopoulos/Stratigakos of Agios Ioannis, Sparta, born abt 1849, wears a traditional cap.
He is the great-grandfather of Georgia Stryker Keilman, founder of Hellenic Genealogy Geek

Regarding women’s grooming, the possibilities were limited and usually concerned wealthier women. The cosmetics used were powder and rouge. For eyebrows, they used charcoal to emphasize them. There were colognes and gold jewelry, such as pins, earrings, necklaces and rings. Usually, however, poor women had nothing more than their wedding ring.


I (Carol Kostakos Petranek) am honored to receive permission from the Katsoulakos family to translate and share articles from The Faris. Translation verification and corrections have been made by GreekAncestry.net. This is the nineteenth article of the ongoing series. Previous articles can be viewed here.

Marriage in the Middle of the Last Century

published in The Faris Newsletter, Issue #32 November 2002, p. 23   

At the end of the fourth decade of the 20th century, marriages were mainly arranged by matchmaking. The role of the matchmaker was undertaken by a female relative, a neighbor, or even a stranger. The matchmaker was responsible for bringing together the two families concerned, informing them about the “situation,” meaning the financial requirements. At a festival, celebration, or a relative’s house, the parents or close relatives would meet. If they agreed to the terms, the groom and the bride would go to this meeting: there they would finalize the arrangement.

Engagement usually followed shortly after. On the designated Sunday, after church, the betrothal ceremony took place. There was a feast with meat, plenty of wine, and the celebration included dancing, many jokes, and well-wishes.

Then, the wedding preparations followed. The bride and groom’s clothes had to be bought, sweets prepared, and rings purchased. The economic conditions of the time did not allow for the purchase of other jewelry as gifts for the bride. In the meantime, they took care of adding anything missing from the dowry, such as pillows, wool blankets, quilts, and embroidery or woven cloths.

When everything was ready on both the bride’s and groom’s sides, the wedding date was set. Weddings always took place on Sundays, never on Saturdays, as Sunday was dedicated to God, and the couple was not allowed to be together on Saturday night.

Παραδοσική γαμίλια πομπή στην Αταλάντη – Traditional wedding procession in Atalanti
Photo credit: el.wikipedia, accessed May 26, 2024

The relatives, the “psiki” (the celebration procession) accompanied the bride and the groom to the church on decorated horses. However, many people stayed at home and did not attend the ceremony, to help prepare for the feast that would follow. The meat for the feast was prepared from Saturday. Usually, the wedding table included meat with potatoes in the oven or pot roasted. The meat was roasted in large pans. The pasta was boiled in tin-plated pots. Once the pasta was cooked and sprinkled with cheese, it was placed on platters from which everyone ate in turn with the same fork. The celebration included dancing and singing many songs a cappella, as the economic situation of the time did not allow for hiring musicians. They danced syrtos, tsamikos, as well as the Charleston and foxtrot. The celebration was filled with jokes and well-wishes for the couple. In the meantime, a man would serve wine from a bottle, and everyone drank from the same glass. The celebration lasted until dawn. There were also many sweets, usually kourabiedes but also koulouria, baked in the oven and decorated. The bride would throw the koulouria into the air for the unmarried women to catch. It was believed that whoever caught a koulouri would marry soon.

After the party, the newlyweds went to the groom’s house or stayed a few days at a hotel in Sparta or sometimes in Tripoli. Then they went to the in-laws’ house, where relatives gathered to verify the bride’s “honor.” They cheered and fired shots in joy.

If the bride was not a virgin, she was either sent away or additional dowry was demanded if the groom agreed.

A decade later, the improvement in economic conditions led to a differentiation, but not in the essence, of marriage customs. Once the betrothal was fixed, the dowry agreement was sometimes written at the bride’s house and paid with her money. At the engagement, the bride received not only the ring but also additional jewelry, if possible. The groom and the bride were accompanied by professional musicians, who were hired by both sides, and they remained for the celebration, as noted by the couple Vasiliki and Yiannis Poulakos from Mousga*. The groom’s procession had 98 horses. Guests no longer brought only animals to the newlyweds but also household items – glassware, plates, glasses.

The better economic situation, however, did not eliminate superstitions and preserved beautiful and interesting wedding customs of previous decades. The bride had to go to the fountain to fetch water, accompanied by a small child whose both parents were alive and who had to throw silver coins to the fountain. This custom is probably related to fertility and childbearing. The bride went to the church, having the church key and a black-handled knife at her waist to protect her from spells. When she would go to the groom’s house, she had to lie down with a small boy to have healthy children. At the entrance door, she had to eat honey given by her mother-in-law for a sweet life. Also, they poured honey on the door three times, and the couple entered the house covered with a handkerchief.

A song that was sung when the bride was about to be get married:

“Come away, bride, come away from your parents’
Where are you going, little bride, to your in-laws
Stand like a cypress, root like a tree
Bloom like an apple tree, bear fruit,
Make nine sons and one daughter.”

Testimonies:
Eugenia Konidi, 87 years old. She finished elementary school and 2 classes of Greek school. She married on 22/10/1939.
Vasiliki Ioan. Poulakou. Born on 20/7/1922. She finished elementary school. She married on 21/8/1949.

The Dowry Agreement

In the name of the Father and the Son and Saint Prokopios Amen. I, Georgios Ath. Rigakos from Gorani, give my daughter for marriage, Vasiliki Georg. Rigakos to Ioannis Pan. Poulakos from Mousga, endowing her with the following items:

1400 okas of oil (one thousand four hundred) – {Clothing Items}.
1) 15 heavy clothes.2) 3 kilims
3) 2 woolen wraps
4) 2 woolen blankets
5) 1 oilcloth
6) 3 quilts
7) 1 duvet
8) 1 mattress.

* Their wedding was the last in the area where guests arrived riding horses and mules.


I (Carol Kostakos Petranek) am honored to receive permission from the Katsoulakos family to translate and share articles from The Faris. Translation verification and corrections have been made by GreekAncestry.net. This is the seventeenth article of the ongoing series. Previous articles can be viewed here.

New to the Family: Fostered and Loved

Family challenges often lead to difficult decisions. Among the most heart rending are those involving minor children. Parents die or become indigent, leaving their most vulnerable loved ones to be cared for by others–perhaps family members, perhaps not.

My mother shared such a story about her Uncle Kolokota and his wife, Katina (whom mom called Thea Kolokotou). “They never had children of their own,” she said. “Instead, they raised their niece. Thea Kolokotou’s sister and her husband had nine children, born two years apart. They couldn’t take care of them all, so Theo and Thea took in one of the daughters and raised her as their own.” I remember being mildly surprised, yet reassured, that this couple would open their home and hearts to help one of Katina’s children. This was my first introduction to ψυχοπαίδια (psychopedia), known in Greece as “soul children1.”

Konstantinos Kolokotas
naturalization photo, 1937

My grandfather, John Andrew Kostakos, was the youngest of eleven children. When he was about one year old, his mother died. I learned stories of him being nursed and cared for by women in the village while his father worked in his fields. Then John’s father died when he was eight years old, and John was taken in and raised by his half-brother, Gregory, who had five children of his own. At age 14, John left Gregory’s home to work for a wealthy man in Mystras, who funded John’s voyage to America.

John Andrew Kostakos
naturalization photo, 1931

The concept of an orphaned child being raised by family members is repeated in countless families.

The concept of a child whose parents are unable to care for him/her, then is raised by family members, is less common.

What is rare, but not uncommon in rural Greece, is the concept of an orphaned or destitute child who is not formally adopted, but is brought as a “soul child” into the home of an unrelated family.

I found such a case this week, as I was adding marriage records into the family tree I am creating for the village of Agios Ioannis, Sparta.2

Metropolis of Sparta, Marriage Index Book: Sparta  1873-1879;
Year: 1875, Entries: 205-216 Entry  #209

I began entering information for entry #209:
Marriage License Date: August 24, 1875
Groom:  Nikolaos Voulgaris of Agios Ioannis

I then saw an unusual entry in the bride’s column. Normally, the entry would give the name of the bride, her father’s name, and residence. But this entry reads: Dimitro Fotopoulou, psychokori Konst. I. Feggara, residence, Sparta.

I was stumped as to why Dimitro’s father’s name was not recorded in her marriage record. And who was Konstantinos Feggaras? I sent the image above to my colleague, Gregory Kontos, owner of GreekAncestry. He responded that Fotopoulos was her biological father’s surname, and that Konstantinos I. Feggaras had “adopted” her. Greg reminded me that Greek Ancestry had published this article, “Soul-children” (Ψυχοπαίδια) earlier this year.

An excerpt from the article: The term “soul – child” describes an institution already existing in Byzantine customary law. According to this, the “soul – son” or the “soul – daughter” are granted to the “soul – parent”, who in exchange for the child’s labor undertakes the obligation to ensure his professional development or endow her until she reaches the age of marriage. In comparison to an ordinary adoption, the tradition of the “soul – children” was accompanied by a less formal legal relationship, and by a strong ethical character, which is also reflected by the first part [“ψυχή” (soul)] of this Greek compound word [“ψυχή” + “παιδί” (soul + child)]: this signifies the moral and religious attitude of the father, who aims not only at his inner atonement but also at the devotion of the adopted child to him during the last years of his life. The benefits from the offered labor usually were not important.

Reading this description, we see that ψυχοπαιδία/psychopedia connotes a deep and loving relationship–one that would rival, if not equal, that of biological parents and children. A legal adoption may have been difficult, and honestly, not necessary, in rural Greece. That this practice was brought to America and followed by the Kolokotas’ and other families gives us a heartwarming insight into those who welcomed children of need into their homes.


1For a detailed historical description and case study of this topic, see “Soul-Children (Ψυχοπαίδια)” published by GreekAncestry on March 14, 2023.
2MyHeritage has a collection titled, Sparta Marriages, 1835-1935, which I digitized at the Metropolis of Sparta. This collection has both the marriage index books and accompanying marriage licenses for thousands of families.